In order to steer clear of common stereotypes about Black male athletes, such as being tagged as a “dumb jock,” Spike, a college football player, opted to wear athletic apparel to class as sparingly as possible. “I mean, admittedly, I’m a 6-foot-4, 240-pound Black guy on campus, so avoiding that perception is challenging,” he mentioned. “But I wanted to avoid giving any major confirmation that I was an athlete. So, I chose to wear a collared shirt, jeans, and nice shoes daily.” Trey, a baseball player, chose to remain silent and not share personal details, even with teammates, as he often felt “outnumbered in opinion” as one of just two Black athletes on a team of 40, which made him hesitant to voice opinions that could lead to conflict. “Being a Black student-athlete already means I have to conduct myself differently,” he stated.
I am a professor specializing in sport management and have researched the experiences of Black male college athletes. During the 2020-21 academic year, I conducted interviews with 16 Black male college athletes at Division I schools across the U.S. to understand how they alter their behavior to manage stereotypes. Participants, who competed in sports such as football, baseball, cheer, diving, and track and field, were also asked to maintain audio diaries on the topic. The study revealed that these athletes often took deliberate steps to alter their self-presentation to counteract anti-Black racism and “dumb jock” stereotypes on campus, while at other times, they actively resisted these stereotypes.
Self-presentation refers to how someone behaves in social situations to shape others’ perceptions. For instance, a person might modify their speech or word choices based on their audience. The Black male athletes in the study adjusted their presentation, including their clothing and communication styles. They also limited the amount of personal information shared and sometimes concealed aspects of their identity. Marc, another football player, described how being a Black male college athlete influenced his classroom participation, emphasizing the need to be more involved, assertive, and analytical. These adjustments extended beyond academics to athletic environments, where Marc was also cautious about sharing personal information to avoid potential misuse by coaches or academic advisors.
A common strategy among these athletes was omitting details about their athletic identity. Tyler, a track athlete, remarked, “I try not to mention that I am a student-athlete. I am trying to develop an identity outside of sports.” Black men constitute about 6% of students at four-year public institutions in the U.S., yet they account for nearly 45% of football players and 51% of men’s basketball players at Division I schools, the top level of college sports competition. Overall, Black men represent 12% of all athletes at Division I schools, excluding historically Black colleges and universities. In Power Five schools, significant revenue centers for college football, as many as 1 in 6 Black male students are athletes, compared to 1 in 50 white students.
Most Division I schools are predominantly white, including their athletic departments where 78% of athletic directors, 81% of head coaches, 68% of assistant coaches, and 90% of head athletic trainers are white. Black male college athletes see relatively few Black faces on campus, as faculty at these institutions are 93% non-Black. There’s ample evidence of racism and discrimination against Black male college athletes at these predominantly white schools, including unequal enforcement of policies and limited educational opportunities.
These athletes face bias based on race, gender, and athletic identity. Despite recognition for their physical abilities, Black male athletes are often seen as “dumb jocks,” their intelligence undervalued due to their physical size, and perceived as lacking the academic skill or drive to excel. They are sometimes viewed as “unreal” students who undermine the university’s academic mission and receive undue advantages. One study found that professors and academic counselors held lower expectations for Black college athletes compared to their white peers and restricted their academic choices, leaving them feeling powerless. Another study found faculty were more likely to credit Black male athletes’ success to policies like affirmative action rather than their own merits, unlike their white counterparts.
Not all athletes altered their behavior or appearance to counter anti-Black stereotypes. Keyvon, a football player, noted that he communicates his Black identity openly in white-dominated spaces to “apply pressure” and encourage others to embrace his presence. While being a prominent college athlete can confer certain privileges, like gaining a pseudo-celebrity status, which can protect against stereotypes and bias, this often only holds true when Black athletes perform well in their sport.